Arpent

Arpent

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The word arpent is believed to derive from the Late Latin arepennis (equal to half a jugerum), which in turn comes from the Gaulish *are-penno- (\"end, extremity of a field\").

There were various standard arpents. The most common were the arpent used in North America, which was defined as 180 French feet[1] (pied, of approximately 32.48 centimetres or 12.79 inches), and the arpent used in Paris, which was defined as 220 French feet.

Historically, in North America, 1 (square) arpent (arpent carré), also known as a French acre, was 180 French feet 180 French feet = 32,400 French square feet = about 3419 square metres = about 0.845 English acres. Certain U.S. states have official definitions of the arpent which vary slightly:

In Louisiana, parcels of land known as arpent sections or French arpent land grants also pre-date the Public Land Survey System (PLSS), but are treated as PLSS sections. An arpent is a French measurement of approximately 192 feet (59 m), and a square arpent (also referred to as an arpent) is about 0.84 acres (3,400 m2).

French arpent land divisions are long narrow parcels of land, also called ribbon farms, usually found along the navigable streams of southern Louisiana, and also found along major waterways in other areas. This system of land subdivision was begun by French settlers in the 18th century, according to typical French practice at the time and was continued by both the Spanish and by the American government after the acquisition of the Louisiana Purchase. A typical French arpent land division is 2 to 4 arpents wide along the river by 40 to 60 arpents deep, while the Spanish arpent land divisions tend to be 6 to 8 arpents wide by 40 arpents deep.

Viewed cartographically, the French long-lot (or arpent) system traced a splendid serpentine effect, with parcels converging in concave river bends and diverging on convex sides. Viewed economically, the system made hydrological and geophysical sense and benefited from careful administration. By the 1750s, riparian lands throughout lower Louisiana had the French cadastral imprint.

Arpent, a French measure of length and area. Numerous regional variants of the arpent coexisted in 17th-century France; of these, the arpent de Paris came into use in Canada before 1636 as part of a system of measures. The arpent de superficie, or square arpent (equivalent to 0.342 ha), remained the standard measure of land area in the old seigneurial districts of Québec until supplanted by the metric system in the late 1970s.

Firme d'arpentage technique spécialisée dans le domaine de la construction utilisant les dernières technologies Trimble et Civil 3D. Arpent-Nord est la solution pour vos projets de terrassement, calcul de quantité ou balayage 3D.

AR-PENT, n. [Fr. arpent; Norm. arpen. In Domesday, it is written arpennus, arpendus, and arpent. Columella mentions that the arepennis was equal to half the Roman juger. The word is supposed to be corrupted from arvipendium, or aripennium, the measuring of land with a cord. Spelman. Lunier.]

Book Reviews i9 Quelques arpents d'Amirique: Population, economie, famille au Saguenay, 1838-1971. GERARD BOUCHARD. Montreal: Boreal 1996. Pp. 635, $44.95 The CHR editors have asked me to write a somewhat belated review of this book, the title ofwhich alludes to Voltaire's famous description of Canada's importance to eighteenth-century France. Asked about the loss ofhis country's northernmost possessions in the New World, the great philosophe dismissed Quebec as a few acres of snow. In one manner or another the stigma of that alleged marginality dogged and infuriated French Canada until perhaps the 1950s and 1960s, when the Montreal school ofhistorians began to assert the common nature ofNew France's pattern of development and to argue that the British conquest decapitated a society that was growing in an essentially American fashion. Bouchard 's book is best seen as a unique culmination of the revisionist project ofthe last thirty years in Quebec historiography. It has, accordingly , been showered by prizes from the professional historical community . And rightly so, because unlike many of his contemporaries, Bouchard has pushed the careful Annaliste examination of the rural world that typifies work on the French Regime into the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. As his title implies, the fruits ofhis twenty-year research program is a paradigm of family reproduction that situates the experience of rural Quebecers firmly alongside that ofother agrarian peoples in North America . From an exhaustive family-reconstitution study of the Saguenay region in northern Quebec, Bouchard draws the outlines of a North American pattern offamilial solidarity and egalitarian succession. Quebecers in the Saguenaywere as much a part ofthis pattern, he concludes, as were Protestant Irish in the Ottawa Valley or German immigrants in the American mid-west. Bouchard concludes that it is fruitless to see 'resistance' to modernity in the mentalities ofthe rural folk who moved to new settlement areas. Rather, the sociocultural structures of rural economic life in these new places created a disarticulated and alternative rationality to that ofthe liberal capitalist marketplace. Book Reviews 351 Quebec was just another American community with stubborn levels ofnatural fertility, because in rural life family service was essential to the project offamily reproduction. By examining an entire region, Bouchard can capture the migration that was essential to fulfill the key promise of New World agriculture - the establishment of multiple heirs. The population and economic equilibriums that typified new areas of settlement , Bouchard argues, are simply not visible in a study limited to one small area or a single point in time. Readers can only marvel at the research apparatus at the author's disposal. It may be some time before funding agencies agree to underwrite a data-driven project as large, one that benefited from health dollars because ofits applications for genetic study, and one that easily rivals the quality ofthe longitudinal data sets recently constructed from similar parish records in Scandinavia. The fichier BALSAC, as the reconstituted family data sets are known, incorporate all the parish data from the region, including over 700,000 acts of baptism, marriage, and burial; household information drawn from the decennial censuses in 1852, 1861, 1871; 306 deeds ofgift and roo9 sales from the land registration records; 1813 marriage contracts; 350 last testaments; 1500 oral interviews; and twenty-six tax rolls from twenty municipalities. In spite ofthis evidentiary wealth, Bouchard's tone is cautious and he carefully anticipates readers' concerns with his findings and conceptual framework. His marshalling of secondary materials is consistently exhaustive , and his comparative observations are as judicious as they are brilliant. Clearly, the strength of the work is the effort to advance a well-articulated theory about patterns of extensive growth in rural North America. Bouchard views the mentalite debate in North America as far too linear, and the marginality attributed to so many regions in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Quebec as essentially false. He rejects the liberal capitalist model and the proto-industrial model. Neither adequately explains the rural economy he sees in the Saguenay. Producers did not develop a market orientation, specialize their output, or tap into growing pools of waged labour. They did not eschew familial solidarity or move beyond localized practices of exchange towards an...

1. On Dec. 17, 1798, A. applied to the Spanish governor general for a grant of six hundred and ten arpents of land, for a plantation and settlement, in the District of Baton Rouge, three miles from the Mississippi. To the application was annexed a certificate of the local surveyor that in the District of St. Helena, on the west bank of the Tangipahoa River, beginning at the thirty first parallel of latitude, the boundary line of the United States, and about fifty miles east of the Mississippi, there were vacant lands in which could be found the arpents front which the petitioner asked for, excluding whatever might be in the possession of actual settlers. To this application the surveyor of the district added a further certificate, dated Dec. 22, 1798, and addressed to the governor, by which he stated that four hundred and ten arpents might be conceded in the place indicated by the local surveyor. Thereupon De Lemos, then governor, issued a warrant or order of survey, as follows:

\"The surveyor of this province, Don Carlos Trudeau, shall locate this interested party on four hundred and ten arpents of land, front, in the place indicated in the foregoing certificate, they being vacant, and thereby not causing injury to anyone, with the express condition to make the high road and do the usual clearing of timber in the absolutely fixed limit in one year, and that this concession is to remain null and void if at the expiration of the precise space of three years the land shall not be found settled upon, and to not be able to alienate it within the same three years, under which supposition there shall be carried out uninterruptedly the proceedings of the survey, which he (the surveyor) shall transmit to me, so as to provide the interested party with the corresponding title papers in due form.\"

Neither survey, settlement, nor improvement of any kind was ever made by A. or by anyone claiming under him. On Feb. 20, 1806, after the cession of Louisiana to the United States but before this part of it was surrendered by Spain, he procured from the local Spanish surveyor at Baton Rouge an authority to a deputy surveyor to survey the tract according to certain general instructions which do not appear, specifying, however, that it was understood that the warrant was for a certain number of arpents in front, and that the depth ought to be forty arpents, or four